Singapore’s Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era

Introduction

The collapse of the Cold War in November 1990 has set the stage for a new world order and the end of bipolarity characterised by East-West rivalry and nuclear build-up. In the words of then US President George Bush, this new era would be based on a “common recognition of international norms and standards of morality”.[1] It would also be a period shaped by multipolarity, resulting in the global distribution of economic power and the rise of independent actors.[2] What major questions have this new development raised, and how do these issues affect Singapore’s foreign policy? 

Major Post-Cold War Issues

In the opinion of Keith Philip Lepor, the post-Cold War era has significantly affected the strategic and security concerns of Singapore and the rest of the Asia-Pacific region.[3] Underlining these anxieties is the relationship between the United States and other great powers, such as China and Japan. Also important is the impact of international peacekeeping bodies like the United Nations, and economic actors such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF).  

Great Power Relationships and their Impact on Singapore Foreign Policy

The United States

With the collapse of the Cold War, the United States has shifted its stance from a policy of “compulsory engagement” to that of “selective engagement”.[4] Such a policy embraces freedom of action but recognises the continued imperative of the US in the global arena. It highlights the importance of maintaining American interests depending on the relative importance of these concerns. The policy has however recently come under fire, fuelled by fears that America would revert to its Cold War stance with China. Disputes over a proposed US-Japan Missile Defence System including Taiwan and South Korea have led to Chinese warnings of regional and global instability. This has been heightened by allegations that Beijing had been involved in American nuclear espionage.[5] It is nonetheless in the continued interest of the US to maintain a strong security presence in the Asia-Pacific region. This would maintain order and stability by sustaining competitive regional power distributions, thereby reducing the chances for war.[6]  

Singapore has responded favourably to such an initiative, saying that it shares American interests in the region. The republic feels that only the United States has the “strategic weight, economic strength and political clout” to maintain stability in the Asia-Pacific. It is therefore an “indispensable factor” of any new configuration for peace.[7] Singapore has consequently offered to allow American ships access to the future Changi Naval Base, a move that reinforces its basic strategy of “diplomacy and defence”.[8] This reaction is also characteristic of the republic’s foreign policy principle of “[making] as many friends… as possible”.[9] 

China

Post-Cold War China, in the opinion of Robert Sutter, seeks a “stable environment … for effective modernisation and development”.[10] As such, the country’s foreign policy, though independent, will remain pragmatic, economically oriented, and co-operative. According to Joseph S. Nye, this model of “East Asian development” seems the most likely, marking a gradual transition towards a pluralistic world order.[11] There are however concerns that a reform-minded China might not hesitate to use military might to solve external conflict. This is especially since the government has increased military spending in the 1990s.[12] However, as pointed out by China’s Ambassador to Singapore Chen Baoliu, the size of the country’s armed forces has been slashed twice, from 6 million to 2.5 million this year, with most of military spending channelled towards infrastructure building.[13]  

In response to the meteoric rise of China as a great power, Singapore has adopted a balanced foreign policy stance. On one hand, the republic has embraced trade and investment with Beijing in its support of regional drives such as the Suzhou Industrial Park. On the other hand, Singapore has however been careful not to upset its demographic environment of a Chinese majority population surrounded by neighbouring Malay states.[14]  This has led to increased support of the United States in the Asia-Pacific, as a means to counter-balance the rapid rise of Chinese influence.[15] It highlights Singapore’s desire to “maintain a secure and peaceful environment … in the Asia Pacific region” through the balance of global powers.[16]

 Japan

In the opinion of former Philippine President Fidel Ramos, Japan is becoming the “predominant” influence for Southeast Asian trade and investment.[17] Its economic growth policies have also become “models” for other Asian states in a post-Cold War world.[18]  According to Japan’s former Foreign Affairs Minister Yohei Kono, the “main thrust” of Tokyo’s economic co-operation with the Asia-Pacific lies within the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC), an inter-governmental framework and a loose forum for consultation and co-operation.[19] In addition, region-wide political and security dialogues such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) are also important for the purpose of enhancing mutual reassurance in the region.[20] These arrangements must however compliment and not replace external security agreements such as the important US-Japan relationship. Such an alliance, as argued by Arthur Alexander, provides a security framework to “[guarantee] the political stability of an open international economic system.”[21] 

Singapore’s foreign policy initiatives have been inter-twined with those of Japan. As a founding member of ASEAN, the republic has been a voice behind many of its policies, including the ARF. The country has also been a “strong supporter” of APEC, calling for freer trade and investment, as well as regional co-operation so as to sustain a “multilateral trading system coupled with economic and technical assistance.”[22] In addition, Singapore favours a stable great power relationship. In the opinion of Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, the US-China-Japan triangle “underpins the relative peace and stability of the region”.[23] A US-Japan alliance is therefore crucial to this relationship; equally important to a US-China association or a Japan-China reconciliation. 

International Actors and their Impact on Singapore’s Foreign Policy

The United Nations

Multipolarity in a post-Cold War world has highlighted a number of non-state actors, which significantly affect the Asia-Pacific region. The United Nations is one such major player. According to former Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the new international context calls for “multilateral action” and an “integrated approach.” Only then can the original aims of the UN Charter such as peace, justice, human rights and development, be pursued more effectively.[24]  

Echoing this call, Singapore has also stressed the UN’s importance in maintaining “globalcoherence”. In the opinion of Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, this integrative function would ensure that no country is excluded in the “march towards security, peace and prosperity”.[25] The republic has consequently adopted a foreign policy embracing strong support of the UN. It believes that the world body can serve as a “vehicle” for small nations to explain their policies and seek support for their positions. This provides them with an opportunity to shape international opinion, ultimately protecting their own sovereignty and independence.[26] 

Regional Bodies

The end of the Cold War has also given rise to regional bodies such as ASEAN. According to Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jayakumar, a strong and cohesive ASEAN can serve as a “key anchor” for geo-political stability.[27] This can be realised in the economic front, with measures such as the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), which help to construct a co-operative framework for propulsion beyond the millennium. On the political front, ASEAN has also endorsed multilateral initiatives such as the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), World Trade Organisation (WTO), ARF and APEC, which help to stabilise the Asia-Pacific region through the establishment of regional and international ties, especially with the US-Japan-China triangle.[28]  

As Singapore is an integral member of ASEAN, its foreign policies have been closely in line with those of the grouping. Take for instance Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew’s call for a stronger US-ASEAN partnership to provide an “anchor” for continued American engagement in the Asia-Pacific, a move which would enhance stability in the region.[29] Also important is Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan’s opinion that regionalism in the Asia-Pacific must be built upon market-based integration and openness to countries outside the region.[30] This underwrites ASEAN-endorsed measures such as AFTA, ARF, APEC and WTO.  Recently however, Singapore has encountered difficulties in its relationships with various ASEAN members. Take for instance the bilateral row with Malaysia over issues like the location of its Customs, Immigration and Quarantine (CIQ) facilities. There is also the dispute with Indonesia; the country having reproached Singapore for not being a good neighbour among other criticisms. Both instances have seen Singapore avoiding a confrontational approach so as to reduce provocation. 

Economic Actors

In the post-1990 era, international economic agencies like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) began to work closely with countries affected by the fall of the Soviet Union. These institutions implemented stabilisation programmes and structural reforms, characterised by features such as trade liberalisation, in order to develop market establishments in the countries undergoing transition.[31] In the light of the Asian economic crunch, such institutions have also adopted policies to restore market confidence and economic stability.[32] For instance, the IMF has embarked on reform programmes to assist debt-ridden countries such as Indonesia, Thailand and South Korea.  

As Singapore’s destiny is closely linked to its neighbours, its foreign policy has also been steered by the geopolitics of the region.[33] The republic has therefore attempted to help countries like Indonesia with offers of humanitarian aid and financial assistance, hoping that such measures will serve as a focal point for renewed investor confidence, resulting in a spill-over rebound of the Asian economy.[34]

Conclusion

The collapse of the Cold War and the emergence of multipolarity have raised numerous concerns for Singapore and the other actors of the international community. This has resulted in major foreign policy shifts to adjust to changing political, economic and social conditions. With a semblance of stability in the post-Cold War world, international actors have established new niches to co-relate to their new global positions. Singapore, likewise, has determined a new role for herself in the international arena. Although her foreign policy initiatives have broadly been affected by the collapse of the Berlin Wall, its fundamentals have not been significantly affected. In the words of Lim Hng Kiang: “The basic foreign policy challenge for any small nation is… to influence the external environment in a manner that is favourable to its interests or, at worst, to limit any negative impact of the external environment on its survival and prosperity.”[35]

The above essay was written by Mark Lim Shan-Loong on 16th March 1999.

 

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Comments? Email marklsl@pacific.net.sg to share your thoughts.

 

 

 

The Writing Page

 

[1] quoted in Heywood, Andrew. Politics. London: Macmillan Press, 1997. p.148

[2] ibid. pp.149-50.

[3] Lepor, Keith Philip. After the Cold War:  Essays on the Emerging World Order. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. p.xxxii.

[4] Baker, James A. “Selective Engagement: Prinicples for American Foreign Policy in a New Era.” After the Cold War:  Essays on the Emerging World Order. Ed. Lepor, Keith Philip. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. pp.70-3.

[5] Kwang, Mary. “China warns against missile system.” The Straits Times [Singapore]. 8 Mar 1999. p.1.

[6] Morgan, Patrick M. “The United States.” Coping with Conflict after the Cold War. Eds. Kolodziej, Edward A. and Roger E. Kanet. Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1996. pp.42-3.

[7] Jayakumar, S. The Southeast Asian Drama: Evolution And Future Challenges. Inaugural Distinguished Lecture at Georgetown University, Washington D.C. 22 Apr 1996. Online. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Available:  http://www.gov.sg/mfa/p220496.htm. 2 Feb 1999.

[8] Lim, Hng Kiang. The Challenges to a Small Nation's Foreign Policy. Speech at Ministry of National Development Auditorium, Singapore. 29 Jul 1995. Online. Ministry of Information and the Arts. Available: http://www4.gov.sg/mita/speech/speeches/v19n4008.htm. 13 Feb 1999.

[9] Singh, Bilveer. Singapore:  Foreign Policy Initiatives of a Small State. Singapore: Centre for Advanced Studies, National University of Singapore, 1988. pp.15-7.

[10] quoted in Association for Asian Studies. “Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era.” Abstracts of the 1995 AAS Annual Meeting. Online. Association for Asian Studies. Available: http://www.aasianst.org/absts/1995abst/china/csess2.htm. 3 Feb 1999.

[11] Nye, Joseph S. The Rise of China and the Future of International Security. Public Lecture at the National University of Singapore. 8 Jan 1999.

[12] ibid.

[13] quoted in Soh, Felix. “China Marches Forward.” The Straits Times [Singapore]. 9 Jan 1999. pp.20-1.

[14] Ganesan, N. “Singapore: Foreign Policy Terrain.” Asian Affairs:  An American Review. Vol. 29, No. 2, Summer 1992. pp.73-4.

[15] Jayakumar, S. Speech at Official Opening Ceremony Of The New Us Embassy Building. 21 Jan 1997. Online. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Available: http://www.gov.sg/mfa/sp210197.htm. 2 Feb 1999.

[16] Singapore. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Fundamental Principles of Singapore's Foreign Policy. Online. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Available: http://www4.gov.sg/mfa/policy_down.html. 30 Jan 1999.

[17] Ramos, Fidel V. “The Age of People Power in the Pacific.” After the Cold War:  Essays on the Emerging World Order. Ed. Lepor, Keith Philip. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. p.121.

[18] Alexander, Arthur J. “Japan.” Coping with Conflict after the Cold War. Eds. Kolodziej, Edward A. and Roger E. Kanet. Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1996. pp.88-9.

[19] Yohei Kono. Japan's Foreign Policy in the Asia-Pacific and the Significance of APEC. Speech at the Kansai Press Club.15 Nov 1995. Online. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan. Available: http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/economy/apec/1995/yk_spech.html. 6 Feb 1999.

[20] Nobuo Matsunaga. The Security of the Asia-Pacific and the Relationship between the Security of the Asia-Pacific Region and the Security of Europe. Address at the CSCE. 6 Dec 1994. Online. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan. Available: http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/economy/apec/1995/member/info1.html. 6 Feb 1999.

[21] Alexander, Arthur J. “Japan.” Coping with Conflict after the Cold War. Eds. Kolodziej, Edward A. and Roger E. Kanet. Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1996. pp.88-9.

[22] Lim, Hank. APEC:  Singapore's View. Online. Berkeley APEC Study Center. Available: http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/basc/documents/lim01.html. 7 Feb 1999.

[23] Lee, Kuan Yew. Maintaining Peace in the Asia-Pacific. Speech at the International Institute for Strategic Studies Conference, Shangri-La Hotel. 12 Sep 1997. Online. Ministry of Information and the Arts. Available: http://www4.gov.sg/mita/speech/speeches/v21n5005.htm. 7 Feb 1999.

[24] Boutros-Ghali, Boutros. “The United Nations in a Post-Cold War Order.” After the Cold War:  Essays on the Emerging World Order. Ed. Lepor, Keith Philip. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. p.43.

[25] Goh, Chok Tong. Speech at the United Nations 50th Anniversary ,New York. 24 Oct 1995. Online. United Nations Development Programme. Available: gopher://gopher.undp.org/00/un50/comm/speeches/951106200920. 9 Feb 1999.

[26] Lim, Hng Kiang. The Challenges to a Small Nation's Foreign Policy. Speech at Ministry of National Development Auditorium, Singapore. 29 Jul 1995. Online. Ministry of Information and the Arts. Available: http://www4.gov.sg/mita/speech/speeches/v19n4008.htm. 13 Feb 1999.

[27] Jayakumar, S. ASEAN In The New Millennium. Speech to the ASEAN Roundtable 1997. 4 Aug 1997. Online. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Available:  http://www.gov.sg/mfa/sp040897.htm. 2 Feb 1999.

[28] Jusuf Wanandi. “Regional grouping has to nurse different relationships between pairs of the 3 great powers.” The Straits Times [Singapore]. 15 Aug 1997. Online. Ministry of Education. Available: http://www.moe.edu.sg/neu/online/pub-content-greatpowers.html. 30 Jan 1999.

[29] Lee, Kuan Yew. Speeches on Singapore & the World Economy. Speech at Fortune 500 Forum, Boston. 23 Oct 1997. Online. Ministry of Education. Available: http://www.moe.edu.sg/neu/about/pub-content-fortune500.html. 30 Jan 1999.

[30] Tan, Keng Yam Tony. Regional Cooperation :  The Way Ahead. Speech to the Oxford-Cambridge Society of Malaysia. 20 Mar 1996. Online. Ministry of Information and the Arts. Available: http://www.gov.sg/mita/speech/speeches/v20n2004.htm. 2 Feb 1999.

[31] Camdessus, Michel. A Decade of Transition:  Achievements and Challenges. Speech at IMF Conference, Washington D.C. 1 Feb 1999. Online. International Monetary Fund. Available: http://www.imf.org/external/np/speeches/1999/020199.htm. 12 Feb 1999.

[32] Camdessus, Michel. Economic and Financial Situation in Asia:  Latest Developments. Background Paper of Speech to Asia-Europe Finance Ministers Meeting, Frankfurt, Germany. 16 Jan 1999. Online. International Monetary Fund. Available: http://www.imf.org/external/np/speeches/1999/011699.htm. 12 Feb 1999.

[33] Singh, Bilveer. “Coping with Recession in Singapore:  A Recession in Foreign Relations.” Coping with the Recession. Forum at the National University of Singapore. 11 Feb 1999.

[34] ibid.

[35] Lim, Hng Kiang. The Challenges to a Small Nation's Foreign Policy. Speech at Ministry of National Development Auditorium, Singapore. 29 Jul 1995. Online. Ministry of Information and the Arts. Available: http://www4.gov.sg/mita/speech/speeches/v19n4008.htm. 13 Feb 1999.