The Gifted Education Programme in Singapore
Introduction
In
his 2001 National Day Rally Speech, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong outlined a slew
of initiatives to transform the country into a “New Singapore”. Among the
Prime Minister’s list of priorities was the need to increase the local talent
pool, a concern to be addressed utilising education as a key strategy.[1]
Indeed the importance of education can be seen from the Singapore government’s
policies over the years, as it strived to develop the only natural resource
available to Singapore – its people. This can be explained because education,
when characterised by new skills and knowledge, leads to an enhancement of human
capital, which in turn improves the contribution of labour to the economy and
hence results in greater growth.[2]
The
Gifted Education Programme (GEP) was set up to this end, to equip gifted pupils
with the necessary intellectual abilities in order that they would be at the
“forefront of change and progress” and work for the “betterment of society
and the nation”.[3] This paper therefore seeks
to examine the GEP, tracing the context of the policy, as well as studying the
formulation and implementation of the policy. In addition, the paper will also
evaluate the Programme and suggest areas for future direction and improvement.
Policy
Context
When
examining the public policy context in Singapore, four salient factors are
essential towards understanding how the policy was formulated and implemented.
This constitutes an awareness of the geographical, economic, demographic and
political aspects of the Singapore environment which determine the nature and
style of any public policy.[4]
Consequently, this study on the Gifted Education Programme will also examine how
these four factors affected the implementation and formulation of the Programme.
In
terms of geography, the GEP was formulated in the context of Singapore
as a small city state with a highly urban sector and negligible rural sector. In
a bid to address rising demands for higher skilled workers to compete in the
international arena, the Singapore government introduced the New Educational
System (NES) of 1979, which was aimed at increasing the literacy level of school
leavers, thereby raising the overall educational competence of the Singapore
workforce. The Gifted Education Programme was initiated as part of this System,
hoping to better equip intellectually gifted pupils with the necessary tools to
cope with the challenges of a fast-changing society.[5]
To this end, it was hoped that educational differentiation would result in the
development of higher skilled workers, so as to better meet the needs of the
Singapore workforce.
Economically,
the industrialisation policies of the 1960s led to rapid development and
Singapore’s per capita gross national product increased significantly from
$1,330 in 1960 to $13,783 in 1983, resulting in the country assuming the second
highest standard of living in Asia.[6]
Consequently, Singapore could afford to invest heavily in the education of its
people, deemed to be the only natural resource of the country. This accounted
for the willingness to spend more money on gifted pupils as these students
received a higher allocation of financial resources as compared to mainstream
pupils.[7]
In addition, a higher standard of living implied that Singapore citizens were
enjoying a higher quality of life and therefore had higher expectations. There
were therefore demands for educational differentiation to meet the needs of an
affluent society that expected and could afford a better education for its
children.
In terms of demography, Singapore as an island city state had a small land area and population size. Coupled with the notion that the country had no physical natural resources to develop, it had to rely on human resources as the only available natural resource. However, the small population size implied that these resources were limited. There was therefore the belief that the future of the country depended on how well it developed these human resources.[8] To this end, the GEP was formulated to develop gifted pupils among the population with the belief that these talented people would one day assume future political leadership in Singapore.[9] Hence, the Programme was deemed to be beneficial to the long-term interest of the country as it catered to the nurturing of the intellectually gifted, thereby best utilising the limited human resources available in the context of a small population size.
The political aspects of the policy context can be understood best when considering the People’s Action Party (PAP) and its one party dominant role in Singapore’s political system. Since 1959, the PAP enjoyed a position of uninterrupted governance and was able to formulate a significant number of policies that would be implemented and continually undergo evaluation until their goals were achieved. This was unlike the situation in other democracies whereby a change in government could effect a policy reversal in the implementation of various policies. Hence, the formulation of the GEP was in accordance to the educational policy changes following the Goh Report of 1979, which called for a differentiated curriculum to allow students to be taught “at the pace at which they [could] absorb instruction”.[10] While these recommendations for a differentiated curriculum led directly to the streaming policy, the later extension of this reasoning led to the genesis of the GEP as it was realised that special provisions should be made to meet the needs of the intellectually gifted. Hence, the political continuity of the PAP government ensured that its educational policies could be pursued in order to meet their goals.
It
can therefore be seen that the policy context of Singapore in terms of its
geography, economics, demography and political system, led to a conducive
environment for the formulation and implementation of the Gifted Education
Programme. In this respect, Singapore’s highly urban sector, its economic
affluence, small population size and political continuity led to the initiation
of the Programme and provided the context for the articulation of this policy.
Policy Formulation
In
studying the policy formulation of the Gifted Programme, it is important to
examine both its process and contents, understanding how these two aspects
result in the initiation of the policy. This is because the process of policy
formulation affects how the policy came into being, while its contents reflect
the articulation of the policy as understood by the general population.[11]
Process
The
process of policy formulation involves three important elements – the
government perception of the population problem, the participation in the
policymaking process, and the actual procedures of policy formulation.[12] Firstly, consider the
government’s perception of the population problem. This was largely attributed
to the Ministry of Education’s (MOE) recognition that gifted children needed a
high degree of mental stimulation to cater to their specific needs.
Subsequently, if these children were not given sufficient intellectual
stimulation, they could become the “greatest underachievers” in school,
frustrated by routine and repetitive learning of skills and curriculum material.[13]
In addition, the
psychological and emotional needs of these children were also unlikely to be met
as they tended to thrive best in the companionship of intellectual peers.[14]
This was because the asynchronous development, high emotional sensitivity and
intensity, superior cognitive consciousness and other attributes of gifted
children manifested in behaviours that ordinary people found hard to understand.
The gifted could therefore become an “underclass” if not attended to
adequately.[15] It was to this end that
the Singapore government embarked on a differentiated curriculum for the most
gifted of its population, to cater to the educational needs of those at the
higher end of the intellectual spectrum.
A second aspect
of the policy formulation process involves participation in the policymaking
process. In Singapore’s context, most government policies are formulated
according to the elite model of public policy analysis, which articulates that
government elites make policy on behalf of the masses. This occurs largely
because of the political continuity of the PAP, as expressed by political
legitimacy in the parliamentary process. In addition, there is also the notion
that good governance requires “good men”, those with the “ability,
integrity, commitment, [as well as] that special quality which will make them
keep their cool under fire”.[16]
In analysing the
GEP, it can therefore be seen that a top-down approach was adopted in the
participation aspect of the policy’s formulation. This was articulated in the
realisation by the late Minister of State for Education, Dr Tay Eng Soon, that
special programmes were needed for bright children to realise their full
potential. The
Minister felt a compelling need to develop a special programme so as to enable
bright children to realise their full potential, believing these children to
have characteristics which would disadvantage them in a normal class setting,
and in extreme situations lose their intellectual powers altogether, resulting
in a loss for the society.[17]
As can be seen, the Singapore government adopted an elitist approach to the
initiation of the GEP as an extension of the New Education Policy of 1979. This
was clearly because it had the parliamentary mandate of the people to formulate
such a policy.
Thirdly, the
actual procedures of the policy formulation process can be identified in the
manner the policy originated. In the case of the Gifted Education Programme,
this began with the 1981 visit by Dr Tay Eng Soon, who led a team to study
gifted programmes in other countries such as the USSR and Israel. After the
visit, a concept paper The Gifted Project was written in 1983 by the
former MOE Director of Research and Testing, Dr Phua Swee Liang. This paper
outlined the rationale and objectives behind a special programme for gifted
children, describing the proposed structure of such a programme, as well as
discussing the identification of teachers and the process of pupil selection.[18]
Consequently, The Gifted Project provided the basis for the eventual
establishment of the Special Programme Unit, later renamed the Gifted Education
Branch (GE Branch), which was to be in charge of implementing the programme.
Content
In
examining the content of policy formulation, this can be studied by considering
the aspects of problem definition, policy options and language of presentation.[19]
Problem definition, involving the justification of how a policy addresses an
identified problem, can be pinpointed in the GEP by how the Programme helped to
address weaknesses in the education system. The Goh Report of 1979 identified
high education “wastage” levels as one of the major weaknesses of the
education system warranting a restructuring of the existing arrangement.[20]
To this end, the GEP was implemented as part of the streaming regime on the
basis that education resources would be channelled into programmes for the
“talented”, who would be more likely to benefit from such resources, thereby
reducing the “wastage” in the education system.[21]
This also reinforced the idea that “equal opportunity” could be accorded to
gifted children, but this did not necessarily equate to them having the “same
opportunity” as mainstream pupils.[22]
The
policy options considered by Singapore’s educationalists were manifold and
involved decisions regarding the nature of the programme, the curriculum and the
selection process. For instance, the MOE decided that the Programme should be
conducted with self-contained classes in a mainstream school, with gifted
classes consisting at most one-third of the total number of mainstream classes.
This was so that gifted pupils could get the “best of both worlds”,
obtaining intellectual stimulation in addition to socialisation with peers of
the same age.[23]
In terms of
curriculum, the GEP was to be enriched rather than accelerated, with increased
breadth and depth of subject matter such that it covered the same content as the
mainstream curriculum but to a greater extent.[24]
In addition, gifted students would be exposed to more Higher Order Thinking
Skills (HOTS) such as synthesis, evaluation and analysis, compared to the
principally mainstream approach of Lower Order Thinking Skills (LOTS) such as
knowledge, comprehension and understanding.[25]
This involved the increased adoption of group work to stimulate learning in a
cooperative and collaborative manner with the teacher acting more as a
facilitator rather than someone who merely “spoon-fed” pupils.[26]
In essence, gifted teaching involved a “discovery learning” approach and was
more pupil-centred due to smaller class size and more specialised teachers.
The selection
process was also important when determining what policy options to be chosen.
For instance, pupils were selected in Primary Three, at the age of nine, because
of the educational belief that the earlier one intervenes in a child’s
development, the greater impact this would have on his or her future
advancement. As for the three years of primary education, this was to allow the
schooling effect to kick in and to enable pupils from disadvantaged homes the
opportunity to catch up. A similar rationale was given for the second entry
point in Secondary One, which allowed pupils who developed later to be given a
second chance at the programme.[27]
With regards to the selection criteria, primary school pupils were given locally
standardised tests in reading comprehension, vocabulary and quantitative
reasoning, as well as a common primary three test in first language and
mathematics. This was in addition to the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE)
results, which were also considered in the selection of secondary school pupils.[28]
A
third aspect of policy formulation content, the language of presentation,
involved the manner in which a policy is presented to the public. In the case of
the GEP, this was presented as a programme to cater to the “special needs”
of gifted children who might otherwise be underachievers if they did not have
the opportunity to develop their full potential. In addition, there was also the
idea that if such a programme was to be made available to talented individuals,
these people would be in the “best position” to benefit from the additional
resources given, eventually contributing to the overall benefit of society. By
presenting the GEP in such a manner, the Singapore government sought to dispel
concerns that the programme was elitist, stating that it was beneficial both in
an educational as well as a socio-political sense.
Policy
Implementation
The implementation of the
Gifted Programme can be understood by examining the linkages between policy and
performance. In this study, special emphasis is accorded to the Education
Ministry’s Gifted Education Branch, as it is the government agency directly
involved in the programme. From the perspective of the GEP centres, the
Anglo-Chinese School (Independent), ACS(I), was selected as a case study, given
its thirteen years of experience and involvement in the programme.
Examining
the relationship between policy and performance, this can be analysed in terms
of the direct effects of the policy on implementation, such as its standards and
objectives and the resources made available by the policy. In addition, other
factors such as interorganisational communication and enforcement activities,
the characteristics of the implementing agencies, the conditions affecting the
policy as well as the disposition of the implementors are also important in
understanding the nature of policy implementation.[29]
Policy Standards and Objectives
The standards and objectives of the GEP can be seen in its aim of meeting
pupils’ cognitive needs such as in the development of higher level thinking
processes, the nurturing of creative productivity and the development of
attitudes for self-directed lifelong learning. In addition, the affective needs
of students were hoped to be met in the enhancement of pupils’ self-concepts
and aspirations for self-fulfilment, in the development of a social conscience
and a rootedness to the community, as well as in the development of leadership
qualities.[30] In this manner, the
programme hoped to develop a well-rounded individual, both in terms of his or
her intellectual and emotional needs, thereby contributing to the society at
large.
Policy Resources
The resources accorded to the GEP can be categorised in financial,
material and manpower terms. In terms of financial resources, gifted students
were generally accorded more money than mainstream pupils because of the smaller
class sizes requiring more teachers. In ACS(I), like any other GEP centre, an
annual grant of $58 was awarded per gifted student to offset field trips, camp fees as
well as to purchase books and journals. This was in addition to the normal
capitation grant accorded to students studying in an independent school.[31]
As for the material needs of the students, these were supplied in terms of
curriculum support from the MOE, as well as in the provision of additional
resources beyond the textbook to provide a deeper understanding of contemporary
issues. Manpower resources made available by the policy included the increased
number of specialised teachers, and in the case of ACS(I), operated in a small
teacher-student ratio of 1:8. GEP teachers also underwent training by overseas
gifted education specialists and attended conferences and seminars so that they
would be more effective in the education of the gifted.[32]
Interorganisational
Communication and Enforcement Activities
In order that the implementation process be a successful one, it is
important to communicate the standards and objectives of the policy to the
implementors, who would otherwise not be able to carry them out in an effective
manner. In addition there is also a need for enforcement activities, so as to
ensure that the policy is carried out in a manner spelt out by its standards and
objectives.[33] As can be seen, there was
a need for communication and enforcement activities between and within the MOE
and the GEP centres. This was so that the Programme’s standards and objectives
could be articulated in an effective manner. For instance, members of the Gifted
Education Branch would be given an intensive induction course by gifted
education specialists as well as given opportunities to study successful gifted
programmes.[34]
They could then communicate this information to teachers in the GEP centres
through the designing of the gifted curriculum as well as keeping a close
supervision on GEP teachers via a mentorship programme. This close relationship
between the MOE and the GEP centre also constituted a structure for the
enforcement of the policy, with the Education Ministry responsible for the
content of the curriculum as well as the teachers posted to the different GEP
centres.
Characteristics of the Implementing Agencies
The ability of the implementing agencies in executing policy depends greatly on the characteristics of these agencies. Hence, a study of the GEP implementation process would also involve looking at the characteristics of the relevant agencies, in this case the Gifted Education Branch and the GEP centres. As the GE Branch is part of the MOE’s bureaucratic apparatus, it has the ability to directly influence how the GEP centres run the programme, such as in determining which schools to host the programme, as well as in what curriculum material to use and which teachers to conduct gifted classes.[35] The GEP centres, on the other hand, have the direct responsibility of implementing the programme. Hence although they follow the dictates of the MOE, the ethos of the school determines how the programme is run. ACS(I), for instance, is an independent mission school. It is therefore given more autonomy to run its programmes as compared to a government school. In addition, the Christian traditions and values of the school are also important in the education of its pupils.[36]
Political, Economic and Social Conditions
The impact of political, economic and social conditions on public policy
is significant as it directly affects the implementation of the policy and the
extent of its success. In the case of the Gifted Programme, all three factors
have contributed positively to the success of the policy. This can be explained
in the light of the government’s strong political will towards implementing
the programme and the elite participation in policy formulation. Consequently,
the Education Ministry’s significant contribution of financial and other
resources have been translated into adequate economic resources with which to
support policy implementation. In addition, there has not been significant
social opposition to the policy, given the parliamentary support accorded to the
PAP government and a broad acceptance of the programme.
Disposition of the Implementors
When
considering the success of the policy implementation process, it is important to
look into how the implementors perceive the policy and how they respond to it.[37]
This is in turn reflected in the strategies employed by these implementors. For
the GEP, the main strategies employed were in relation to the approaches to
teaching, the environment of instruction and the socialisation process. Take the
ACS(I) approach towards teaching. This largely adopted an emphasis on the
process rather that the product, the idea that gifted students should be given
an opportunity to pursue more specialised studies at a higher level, handling
things at greater breadth and depth. To this end, GEP students were taught using
a differentiated approach to teaching rather than a “one size fits all”
model.[38]
This implied that teachers had to adopt multiple approaches within the same GEP
class so as to appeal to the different ability of students within the class,
either by deliberately grouping the students to enable peer mentorship, or by
deliberately assigning questions based on the ability of the student.[39]
In addition to the differentiated approach to teaching, the GEP also
needed to stimulate an intellectual environment as pupils would then be able to
communicate with like-minded people, and engage on an intellectual level. They
were therefore be less likely to be bored than in a more mainstream “chalk and
talk” environment.[40]
Indeed the use of journal articles and other resources rather than a standard
textbook allowed students to be exposed to a wider range of issues. In addition,
the emphasis on discussion allowed the needs of individual students to be met as
it gave room for students to express individual opinions freely.[41]
Similarly, Independent Research Studies (IRS) and mentorship projects allowed
students access to institutes of higher learning such as the universities. These
projects, in addition to the numerous enrichment programmes, provided an
opportunity for students to “go the extra mile and achieve greater heights”
in the pursuit of intellectual development.[42]
Equally important were the socialisation programmes involving both gifted
and mainstream pupils, including enrichment camps, enrichment projects and
community involvement programmes.[43]
This was to allow greater integration between the gifted and mainstream
students, so that the former would not be isolated from the latter, and hence
not develop an “elitist” attitude.
Policy Evaluation
A key element in the study of any public policy should and must include
an evaluation of the policy. This is because evaluations provide reliable and
vital information about policy performance, revealing the extent to which
specific goals and objectives have been attained.[44]
Consequently, in conducting an evaluation of the GEP, this paper adopts a formal
evaluation approach, examining policy outcomes on the basis of objectives that
had been formally announced by policy makers and programme administrators. This
incorporates the techniques of objectives mapping, value clarification, value
critique, constraint mapping, process evaluation, impact evaluation and
discounting.[45]
As objectives mapping and value clarification of the GEP have been discussed in
earlier sections, more attention will be given to the other techniques.
Value Critique
Given that the goals and objectives of the Gifted Programme are catered
towards meeting the cognitive and affective needs of talented pupils for the
overall benefit of society, a critique of the values behind such goals and
objectives can be addressed by systematically questioning their appropriateness
in relation to the problem that gifted children were not having their
intellectual, psychological and emotional needs met. It is therefore important
to consider how viable is the premise that by channelling more resources to
talented individuals, these people would have their needs met, and would
subsequently be more likely to contribute to society.
While it is true that channelling additional resources to talented pupils
could provide an extra opportunity for their needs to be met, this is not always
the case, as can be seen from criticisms regarding the high societal
expectations of gifted children. Such excessive social expectations and low
allowances for failure, have led to a low sense of self-esteem on the part of
many GEP pupils because of high parental expectations and the idea that they
were not as good as what was expected of them.[46]
Moreover, even if the needs of GEP pupils were met, it is difficult to
determine the extent to which these students would contribute to society,
especially in the light of criticisms regarding the socialisation of these
individuals. Although there have been attempts to integrate gifted and
mainstream students, this is a difficult process due to perceptions on both
sides, with gifted pupils adopting an elitist mindset and mainstream students
experiencing a sense of “injustice” concerning the programme.[47]
In addition, there is also the problem of labelling and many gifted students
prefer not be known as GEP students as it tended to lead to isolation.[48]
As
can be seen, the elitist approach of the government in pursuing the GEP might
not be congruent with the premise that it would definitely meet the needs of
talented people, thereby developing them to contribute to society. This was
because not all gifted pupils’ needs might be met through the programme, with
some students experiencing the negative effects of high societal expectations.
In addition, even if the needs of these individuals were to be met, they were
not always likely to re-integrate with the mainstream, and therefore not
necessarily make their contribution to society.
Constraint Mapping
The constraints of the GEP are centred mainly on factors affecting policy
formulation, like the nature of the policymaking process as well as assumptions
about giftedness. They are also concerned about factors affecting policy
implementation, as reflected in the public expectations surrounding the
programme. All these factors have in their different ways restricted the
performance of the policy and thus had a negative impact on its outcome.
With regards to the top-down approach of policymakers, this was a
constraint to the Gifted Programme because it narrowed the number and nature of
decision makers involved in policy formulation, thereby reducing the scope and
variety of policy options considered. Although this elitist method of decision
making provided for an efficient formulation process, it can be construed to
have neglected the larger interests of the population despite attempts at
extensive research studies to discern general population needs.
Assumptions that gifted pupils were talented in all areas led to problems
regarding the performance of weaker GEP studies. For instance, the first batch
of GEP students had to take ten subjects for their “O” Level examinations.[49]
This was in contrast to the reality of “selective giftedness”, that not all
students were talented in all areas, but that many were gifted only in a few
areas. It was thus difficult for weaker students within the GEP to adapt,
resulting in the poor performance of some of these students.[50]
High public expectations of the policy are a product of the
competitiveness in Singapore’s education system, which demands high
performance standards of its people. This implies that teachers and students are
under pressure to perform, a reaction that could result in adverse effects,
reducing the programme to one only judged based on examination performance.
Consequently, such high expectations could lead to a deviation of the original
policy outcome, and affect the real contribution of gifted students to society.
Process Evaluation
The evaluation of a policy would not be complete without an understanding
of whether it was implemented according to policy guidelines. Process evaluation
fulfils this function, and it can be applied to the Gifted Programme by looking
at some features of the implementation process and analysing if GEP goals and
objectives were operationalised.
In
the instance of policy resources, these have been regarded as sufficient in
terms of financial and material needs, but not in terms of manpower assistance
to alleviate the stress of teachers and pupils.[51]
This is because the available counselling
assistance is insufficient in the light of an increasing amount of pressure on
both the teachers and students. Hence, although there is some attempt to help
students develop higher level thinking skills through the provision of finance
and materials, this is not enough in the area of helping pupils to learn
self-confidence and develop self-fulfilment.
For
interorganisational communication and enforcement between the GE Branch and GEP
centres, these activities have been considered adequate due to the mutual
communication between both the MOE and the GEP centres in terms of the GE Branch
conveying curriculum requirements but also obtaining feedback from the GEP
centres. In addition, the Ministry also maintains control over important aspects
of the GEP centres such as their location.[52]
In this respect, there have largely been sufficient avenues for the
articulation of policy objectives, promoting a general adherence to policy
guidelines.
With
regards to the strategies of the implementors, the GEP centres have largely
executed the cognitive goals and objectives of the GEP, as reflected by the
encouragement of differentiated individual assignments and innovative project
work, as well as in the creation of a highly intellectual atmosphere for
academic discussion and growth.[53]
However, more is needed to involve the parents of gifted pupils, who are
essential towards assisting them in differentiated learning and in the
socialisation process. This is because the parents of gifted students generally
have a low understanding of their children’s giftedness, despite programmes
already in place such as MOE briefings as well as educational resources such as
gifted parents’ handbooks.
It
can therefore be argued that the implementation processes of the GEP have
largely contributed towards the actualisation of policy goals and objectives.
This is especially in the area of meeting students’ cognitive needs such as in
the development of intellectual thought. However, in terms of meeting pupils’
affective needs like in self-fulfilment and in the development of a social
conscience, this is not yet clearly seen.
Impact Evaluation
The impact of a policy is deemed positive if it effects change in a
desired direction. This is the function of impact evaluation, to ascertain if
public policies like the GEP have indeed resulted in significant positive
changes. To this end, analysis of the programme will consider both the cognitive
and affective aims of the policy, evaluating the extent to which these goals
have been met.
If
the cognitive goals of the GEP were measured solely on the basis of examination
results per
se, the
programme can be said to have achieved success. This is because gifted pupils
generally performed better than most mainstream students, obtaining an average
L1R5 score of 6-7 points in ACS(I) as compared to an average school performance
of 10-11 points.[54]
However, examinations cannot be the sole indicator of cognitive goal evaluation,
as the GEP trains students to think on a higher level, but they are instead
subjected to examinations like the “O” Levels, which promote regurgitation
and tests comprehension and understanding at a low level.[55]
To this end, it might be desirable to reassess the modes of examination, perhaps
even de-emphasising examinations and adopting programmes like the globally-recognised
International Bachelorate (IB).[56]
In
addition, there is still a problem of underachievement as some GEP pupils feel
constrained by the lack of acceleration in the programme, believing it to be too
routine, and therefore insufficient in challenging their mental ability.[57]
In this respect, it might be feasible to consider a system of “limited
acceleration”, which might be more relevant towards meeting the needs of these
students, as it would allow the most able pupils to pursue higher aspirations
earlier, taking into account that the emotional maturity of some of these
students was well beyond those of their peers.[58]
The
success of the GEP’s affective goals can be seen if one was to consider the
promotion of community involvement in the Programme as a benchmark of
contribution to society. This could be through the organisation of themes to foster a genuine concern for the community,
for instance getting pupils to work with children in a home or to raise funds
for less fortunate people.[59]
In addition, longitudinal studies conducted by the MOE revealed that 30%-45% of
the graduated GEP pupils were undertaking long-term community involvement
projects such as participation in welfare organisations and in Residents’
Committee work. There was also another 30%-45% of former GEP students involved
in the service sector, such as in public service and in medical and law
services.[60]
However,
despite the results of such studies, there is still a perception that GEP
students possessed a low sense of rootedness to the country, and a government
recognition that the gifted would be the first to leave Singapore in the event
of a crisis.[61] To this end, a greater
emphasis should be accorded to programmes addressing such pertinent issues as
the raising of students’ self-actualisation and instilling a sense of
belonging to the community and to the society at large.[62]
As
can be seen, there is mixed success in the actualisation of the cognitive and
affective aims of the Gifted Programme. This is partly related to the lack of
measurable criteria to ascertain how the policy has made an impact in these two
areas. Also, there has been an overemphasis on devices such as ranking and
examination results, which bring about deviations from the policy’s original
goals. Consequently, although there have generally been positive steps in the
desired direction of the policy, more has be done to fine-tune the programme so
as to better meet its cognitive and affective aims.
Discounting
A
last but crucial step of the evaluation process involves discounting the non-programme
features of the policy, which contribute independently to the policy outcome but
are not directly related to the implementation of the policy. In the case of the
GEP, this is largely centred around the quality of the pupils selected and the
external factors affecting student development.
For
instance, there is the idea that since the GEP selects the top 1% of the
population for the programme, it is unavoidable that some of these students will
do well based on their intellectual capabilities alone, with or without the
presence of a gifted programme. Considering the external factors affecting
student development, such as a pupil’s family background, these can affect the
student regardless of the results of the programme. Hence, by discounting the
impact of such non-programme factors on the policy outcome, a clearer idea can
be obtained regarding the impact of the GEP on the development of its students,
as well as their contribution to society.
Conclusion
The 1984 Gifted Education Programme was a significant
milestone in the development of an educational programme to cater to the special
needs of the intellectually gifted. This was implemented in the larger context
of the government’s efforts to revamp the educational system to meet the
challenges of the 1980s. With the turn of a new millennium, Singapore has to
adapt to new threats such as economic recession and global terrorism. The
country’s educational system forms the basis for such a transformation, and
its mindsets have to be altered to effect this change. Although similar needs
persist, such as requirements for a talented pool of people, the methods meeting
such needs have to be changed. This also holds true for the Gifted Education
Programme, which needs to be fine-tuned especially in terms of its emphasis and
approach, so as to better address the challenges of a new millennium.
The
above essay was written by Mark Lim Shan-Loong on 19 October 2001.
Appendix
A
About the Interviewees
Eng, Kai Seng, was a former
student under the Gifted Education Programme from 1987-1993. He studied at the
Anglo-Chinese School (Independent) from 1990-1993 and is now a postgraduate
student at King’s College in London.
Khoo, Grace, is Head of Department
(Gifted Education Programme) at the Anglo-Chinese School (Independent),
Singapore.
Ong, Teck Chin, is Principal of
the Anglo-Chinese School (Independent), Singapore.
Phua, Swee Liang, was the Former
Director of Research & Testing at the Ministry of Education, Singapore.
Thiruman, Mike, is the Head of
Research & Evaluation, Gifted Education Branch, at the Ministry of
Education, Singapore.
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Khoo, Grace, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
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Irene, “New Strategies for a New Singapore”, The
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Ong, Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001.
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---, The
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---, Gifted
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Comments? Email marklsl@pacific.net.sg to share your thoughts.
The Writing Page
[1] Irene Ng, “New Strategies for a New Singapore”, The Straits Times [Singapore], 20 Aug 2001, p. 1. PM Goh’s other priorities were for Singaporeans to be global, to create new enterprise, to spur bright ideas and to restructure the economy.
[2] S. Gopinathan, “Education and Development in Singapore”, Education in Singapore: A Book of Readings, eds. Jason Tan et. al., Singapore: Prentice Hall, 1997, p. 42.
[3] Singapore, Ministry of Education , Gifted Education Programme Handbook, 2nd ed., 1999, p. 4.
[4] Jon S.T. Quah, “The Public Policy-Making Process in Singapore”, Asian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 6, No.2, Dec 1984, pp. 109-13. Quah highlights how these four factors have contributed towards a conducive environment for the formulation and implementation of public policies in Singapore. His model is a useful example for the study of Singapore’s policy context.
[5] Singapore, Ministry of Education, Gifted Education in Singapore – the First Ten Years, 1994, pp.12-3.
[6] Jon S.T. Quah, “The Public Policy-Making Process in Singapore”, p. 110.
[7] Mike Thiruman, Personal Interview, 24 Sep 2001. Thiruman explained that the increased funding for gifted pupils was due to smaller class sizes and specialist training, as well as extra educational resources and programmes.
[8] Phua Swee Liang , The Gifted Project, Concept Paper for the Ministry of Education, 1983, p. 4.
[9] Lily Zubaidah Rahim, The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 131.
[10] Quoted in Ibid., p. 124.
[11] Donald P. Warwick, “Cultural Values and Population Policies: Cases and Contexts”, Patterns of Policy, eds. John D. Montgomery et. al., New Brunswick: Translation Books, 1979, pp. 320-5. Warwick’s model of policy formulation serves as a useful guide in understanding how the GEP was formulated.
[12] Ibid., pp. 321-2.
[13] Singapore, Ministry of Education, Gifted Education Programme Handbook, 2nd ed., 1999, pp. 2-3, 5. The Ministry also recognised that gifted pupils fell into three categories – students with high achievement, those of hidden ability and others of high potential but with behavioural problems.
[14] Ibid., p. 3.
[15]
Lee Leng Chee, “Educating the Gifted”, The
Alumnus
[Singapore], July 2001, p. 34-5. Lee notes that genius can be potential or
actual, and that in order to bring it to fruition, the gifted child needs to
be identified, given due opportunity and attention, nurturing him or her in
the process.
[16] Han Fook Kwang, Warren Fernandez, and Sumiko Tan, Lee Kuan Yew: The Man and His Ideas, Singapore: Times Editions, 1998, p. 89.
[17] Singapore, Ministry of Education, Gifted Education in Singapore – the First Ten Years, pp. 12-3.
[18] Ibid., pp. 13-4.
[19] Donald P. Warwick, “Cultural Values and Population Policies: Cases and Contexts”, pp. 323-5.
[20] Quoted in Lily Zubaidah Rahim, The Singapore Dilemma, p. 123. According to the Goh Report, the two other major weaknesses of the education system were the low literacy rate of school leavers and the non-attainment of effective bilingualism.
[21] Ibid., p. 124.
[22]
Phua Swee Liang, Telephone Interview, 2 Oct 2001.
[23] Mike Thiruman, Personal Interview, 24 Sep 2001. In adopting such an approach, the Israeli model was favoured rather than the Soviet model, favouring socialisation rather than isolation.
[24] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001. Khoo noted that the reason for such a decision was that if a pupil decided to leave the programme he could return to the mainstream easily.
[25] Ibid. This adopted the approach of Blooms Taxonomy, which differentiates between types of thinking skills.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Mike Thiruman, Personal Interview, 24 Sep 2001.
[28] Phua Swee Liang , The Gifted Project, p. 11.
[29] Donald S. Van Meter and Carl E. Van Horn, “The Policy Implementation Process: A Conceptual Framework”, Administration and Society, Vol. 6, No. 4, Feb 1975, pp. 462-74. The Van Meter and Van Horn model of policy implementation is useful in understanding how the GEP was implemented.
[30] Singapore, Ministry of Education, Gifted Education Programme Handbook, p. 4.
[31] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[32] Ong Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001.
[33] Donald S. Van Meter and Carl E. Van Horn, “The Policy Implementation Process”, pp. 465-7.
[34] Phua Swee Liang , The Gifted Project, p. 7. Although the concept paper mentioned these instances in the context of the initial Gifted Project team, this is still applicable to current members of the Gifted Education Branch.
[35] Mike Thiruman, Personal Interview, 24 Sep 2001.
[36] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[37] Donald S. Van Meter and Carl E. Van Horn, “The Policy Implementation Process”, pp. 472-4. Van Meter and Van Horn argue that the implementors’ response is reflected in their cognition of the policy, as well as the direction and intensity of their response.
[38] Ong Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001.
[39] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[40] Ibid.
[41]
Eng Kai Seng, Personal Interview, 28 Aug 2001.
[42] Ong Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001.
[43] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001. Khoo noted that programmes such as the overseas community involvement programme to Chiangmai and Kunming were implemented across the board to promote socialisation between the gifted and mainstream pupils.
[44] William N. Dunn, Public Policy Analysis: An Introduction, 2nd ed., Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1994, p. 405.
[45] Ibid., pp. 407-8, 415. Dunn’s suggested techniques for formal evaluation are applicable here in addition to that of process evaluation, which has been incorporated due to its importance.
[46] Ong Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001.
[47] Eng Kai Seng, Personal Interview, 28 Aug 2001.
[48]
Grace Khoo, Personal
Interview, 17 Sep 2001. Khoo noted that when one-third of the first batch of GEP students
were interviewed, all of then said that the GEP should not extend beyond
secondary school.
[49] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[50] Eng Kai Seng, Personal Interview, 28 Aug 2001. Eng recounts an incident when his Secondary One classmate dropped out of the programme because he had discipline problems and was not doing his work.
[51] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[52] Mike Thiruman, Personal Interview, 24 Sep 2001. It must be noted that schools were chosen to minimise disturbances for a child’s progression, based on their geographical and strategic location.
[53] Eng Kai Seng, Personal Interview, 28 Aug 2001.
[54] Ong Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001. The L1R5 score is a yardstick of “O” Level performance, examining a student’s accomplishment in the first language and five other required subjects. A lower score indicates a better performance.
[55] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[56] Ong Teck Chin, Personal Interview, 11 Sep 2001. Ong noted that ACS(I) was suggesting to the MOE that the school adopt the IB System rather than the “O” Level system.
[57] Ibid. Khoo notes that several Secondary Three and Four pupils have left the GEP to go overseas to pursue programmes such as the International Bachelorate.
[58] Ibid. A case in point is that of an 11 year-old student who had met the requirements of intellectually-recognised gifted tests overseas but who was denied entry to Secondary One because of his age, and was instead asked to sit for the PSLE before entrance to the school could be granted.
[59] Grace Khoo, Personal Interview, 17 Sep 2001.
[60] Mike Thiruman, Personal Interview, 24 Sep 2001. The longitudinal study examined the first 5 batches of GEP graduates, and was in the form of a mailout survey with a high response rate of 60%-80%. However, while the study could not assess the response of mainstream students, its results were believed to be above national norms.